Script error Hikikomori (ひきこもり or 引き籠もり Hikikomori?, literally "pulling away, being confined", i.e., "acute social withdrawal") is a Japanese term to refer to the phenomenon of reclusive people who have chosen to withdraw from social life, often seeking extreme degrees of isolation and confinement because of various personal and social factors in their lives. The term hikikomori refers to both the sociological phenomenon in general as well as to people belonging to this societal group. In Western terminology this group may include individuals suffering from social phobia or social anxiety problems. This could also be due to agoraphobia, avoidant personality disorder or painful or extreme shyness.


The Japanese Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare defines hikikomori as people who refuse to leave their house, and isolate themselves from society in their homes for a period exceeding six months.[1] While the degree of the phenomenon varies on an individual basis, in the most extreme cases, some people remain in isolation for years or even decades. Often hikikomori start out as school refusals, or futōkō (不登校) in Japanese (an older term is tōkōkyohi (登校拒否)).

Common traits

While many people feel the pressures of the outside world, hikikomori react by complete social withdrawal. In some cases, they lock themselves in a room for prolonged periods, sometimes measured in years. They usually have few, if any, friends.

While hikikomori favor indoor activities, some venture outdoors on occasion.[2] The withdrawal from society usually starts gradually. Affected people may appear unhappy, lose their friends, become insecure, shy, and talk less.


According to psychologist Tamaki Saitō, who first coined the phrase, there may be one million hikikomori in Japan, representing 20% of all male adolescents in Japan, or 1% of the total Japanese population.[3] Saitō later admitted in his autobiography (Hakushi no kimyō na shishunki) that he made up this number to draw attention to the phenomenon and that it had no factual basis.[citation needed] He had based the figure on the number of people with schizophrenia in Japanese society. His clinical work had convinced him that there were at least as many hikikomori.

Theories on cause

PDDs and autism spectrum disorders

Hikikomori is similar to the social withdrawal exhibited by people with pervasive developmental disorders (PDDs), a group of disorders that include Asperger's, PDD-NOS and "classic" autism. This has led some psychiatrists to suggest that hikikomori sufferers may be affected by PDDs or other disorders that affect social integration, but that their disorders are altered from their typical Western presentation because of the social and cultural pressures unique to Japan.[4]

According to Michael Zielenziger's book, Shutting out the Sun: How Japan Created its Own Lost Generation, the syndrome is more closely related to PTSD. The author claimed that the hikikomori interviewed for the book had discovered independent thinking and a sense of self that the current Japanese environment could not accommodate.

The syndrome also closely parallels the Western terms "avoidant personality disorder" and "social anxiety disorder" (also known as "social phobia").

Social influence

Sometimes referred to as a social problem in Japanese discourse, hikikomori has a number of possible contributing factors.

Though acute social withdrawal in Japan appears to affect both genders equally, because of differing social expectations for maturing boys and girls, the most widely reported cases of hikikomori are from middle and upper middle class families whose sons, typically their eldest, refuse to leave the home, often after experiencing one or more traumatic episodes of social or academic failure.

In The Anatomy of Dependence (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1973, translated by John Bester), Takeo Doi identifies the symptoms of hikikomori, and explains its prevalence as originating in the Japanese psychological construct of amae (in Freudian terms, "passive object love", typically of the kind between mother and infant). Other Japanese commentators such as academic Miyadai Shinji and novelist Murakami Ryu, have also offered analysis of the hikikomori phenomenon, and find distinct causal relationships with the modern Japanese social conditions of anomie, amae and atrophying paternal influence in nuclear family child pedagogy. Young adults may feel overwhelmed by modern Japanese society, or be unable to fulfill their expected social roles as they have not yet formulated a sense of personal honne and tatemae – one's "true self" and one's "public facade" – necessary to cope with the paradoxes of adulthood.

The dominant nexus of hikikomori centers on the transformation from youth to the responsibilities and expectations of adult life. Indications are that advanced industrialised societies such as modern Japan fail to provide sufficient meaningful transformation rituals for promoting certain susceptible types of youth into mature roles. As in many societies, Japan exerts a great deal of pressure on adolescents to be successful and perpetuate the existing social status quo. A traditionally strong emphasis on complex social conduct, rigid hierarchies and the resulting, potentially intimidating multitude of social expectations, responsibilities and duties in Japanese society contribute to this pressure on young adults.[5] Historically, Confucian teachings de-emphasizing the individual and favoring a conformist stance to ensure social harmony in a rigidly hierarchized society have shaped much of the Sinosphere, possibly explaining the emergence of the hikikomori phenomenon in other East Asian countries.

In general, the prevalence of hikikomori tendencies in Japan may be encouraged and facilitated by three primary factors:

  1. Middle class affluence in a post-industrial society such as Japan allows parents to support and feed an adult child in the home indefinitely. Lower-income families do not have hikikomori children because a socially withdrawing youth is forced to work outside the home.[6]
  2. The inability of Japanese parents to recognize and act upon the youth's slide into isolation; soft parenting; or even a codependent collusion between mother and son, known as amae in Japanese.[7]
  3. A decade of flat economic indicators and a shaky job market in Japan makes the pre-existing system requiring years of competitive schooling for elite jobs appear like a pointless effort to many.[8] While Japanese fathers of the current generation of youth still enjoy lifetime employment at multinational corporations, incoming employees in Japan enjoy no such guarantees in today's job market.[9] (See Freeters and NEET for more on this.) Some younger Japanese people begin to suspect that the system put in place for their grandfathers and fathers no longer works[10], and for some, the lack of a clear life goal makes them susceptible to social withdrawal as a hikikomori.

The Japanese education system, like those found in China, Singapore and South Korea, puts great demands upon youth. A multitude of expectations, high emphasis on competition, and the rote memorization of facts and figures for the purpose of passing entrance exams into the next tier of education in what could be termed a rigid pass-or-fail ideology, induce a high level of stress. Echoing the traditional Confucian values of society, the educational system is still viewed as playing an important part in society's overall productivity and success.[11] In this social frame, students often face significant pressure from parents and the society in general to conform to its dictates and doctrines.[12] These doctrines, while part of modern Japanese society, are increasingly being rejected by Japanese youth in varying ways such as hikikomori, freeter, NEET (Not currently engaged in Employment, Education, or Training), and parasite singles.

Beginning in the 1960s, the pressure on Japanese youth to succeed began successively earlier in their lives, sometimes starting before pre-school, where even toddlers had to compete through an entrance exam for the privilege of attending one of the best pre-schools. This was said to prepare children for the entrance exam of the best kindergarten, which in turn prepared the child for the entrance exam of the best primary school, junior high school, high school, and eventually for their university entrance exam.[13] Many adolescents take one year off after high school to study exclusively for the university entrance exam, and are known as ronin.[14] More prestigious universities have more difficult exams. The most prestigious university with the most difficult exam is the University of Tokyo.

Since 1996, the Japanese Ministry of Education has taken steps to address this 'pressure-cooker' educational environment and instill greater creative thought in Japanese youth by significantly relaxing the school schedule from six day weeks to five day weeks and dropping two subjects from the daily schedule, with new academic curricula more comparable to Western educational models. However, Japanese parents are sending their children to private cram schools, known as juku, to 'make up' for lost time.

After graduating from high school or university, Japanese youth also have to face a very difficult job market in Japan, often finding only part-time employment and ending up as freeters with little income, unable to start a family.[15]

Another source of pressure is from their co-students, who may harass and bully (ijime) some students for a variety of reasons, including physical appearance (especially if they are overweight or have severe acne problems), wealth, educational or athletic performance. Some have been punished for bullying or truancy, bringing shame to their families. Although rare, some hikikomori have become extremely wealthy. For example, starting with 1.6 million yen (apr. US$14,000) in 2000, Takashi Kotegawa (Japanese: 小手川 隆) grew his account in the JASDAQ Securities Exchange 10,000 fold over 7 years to 17 billion yen (apr. US$152 million). He first gained fame in Japan after he managed to profit 2 billion yen (apr. US$20 million) in 10 minutes from a Mizuho Securities order blunder. Refusal to participate in society makes hikikomori an extreme subset of a much larger group of younger Japanese that includes parasite singles and freeters.


Hikikomori tend to be financially supported by their parents, or by receiving social assistance. They seldom work since jobs usually require socialization.

Japanese financial crisis

Some organizations such as the non-profit Japanese organization NPO lila have been trying to combat the financial burden the hikikomori phenomenon has had on Japan's economy.[16]

See also

Hikikomori-related disorders

Hikikomori-related terms

Hikikomori-related Japanese terms


Script error

  1. Itou, Junichirou. 2003. Shakaiteki Hikikomori Wo Meguru Tiiki Seisin Hoken Katudou No Guide-line (Guideline on Mental Health Activities in Communities for Social Withdrawal)." Tokyo: Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare.
  3. Saitō, Tamaki. 1998. Shakaiteki Hikikomori (Social Withdrawal). Tokyo: PHP kenkyuujyo.
  4. Kary, T., Total Eclipse of the Son: Why are millions of Japanese youths hiding from friends and family?, Psychology Today Magazine, Jan/Feb 2003
  5. Rohlen, Thomas P. 1989. "Order in Japanese Society: Attachment, Authority, and Routine." Journal of Japanese Studies. Society for Japanese Studies: Vol. 15, No. 1.
  6. Kudō, Sadatsugu and Saitō, Tamaki. September 2001. Argument! Hikikomori. Tokyo: Studio Pot. Shuppan. 工藤 定次(著),斎藤 環(著),「永冨奈津恵」。「激論!ひきこもり」東京:ポット出版、9月、2001。「ISBN 4939015378
  7. Kudō, Sadatsugu. October 2001. Hey Hikikomori! It's Time, Let's Go Out. Tokyo: Studio Pot. Ed.,Tokyo: Pot Shuppan. 工藤 定次 (著), スタジオポット(著)。「おーぃ、ひきこもり そろそろ外へ出てみようぜ—タメ塾の本」。出版社:ポット出版、10月、2001。「ISBN 493901510」
  8. Okano, Kaori and Motonori Tsuchiya. 1999. "Education in Contemporary Japan: Inequality and Diversity." Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press.
  9. “White Paper on Labour and Economy 2006: Diversification of Employment and Working Life.” 2006. Provisional Translation by Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training (JILPT). Japanese Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare.
  10. Matthews, Gordon, and Bruce White. 2004. Japan's Changing Generations: are young people creating a new society? London: Routledge Courzon.
  11. Rohlen, Thomas P. 1992. "Learning: The Mobilization of Knowledge in the Japanese Political Economy." The Political Economy of Japan. Volume 3: Cultural and Social Dynamics. Kumon, Sumpei and Henry Rosovsky (eds.). Stanford, CA: Stanford university Press, 321-363.
  12. Rohlen, Thomas P. 1996. Building Character. In Teaching and Learning in Japan. Rohlen, Thomas P, and Gerald K. Le Tendre (eds.). Cambridge, U.K.: Cambiridge university Press, 50-74.
  13. White, Merry. 1987. The Japanese Educational Challenge. New York, N.Y.: The Free Press.
  14. Tsukada, Mamoru. 1991. Yobiko Life: A Study of the Legitimation Process of Social Stratification in Japan. Berkeley: University of California.
  15. Yoshimoto, K, and Japan Institute of Labor. 1996. "High School and Initial Career of Graduates." JIL Report No. 89.

External links

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